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Home - About the Fellowship - People and Places - Future Events - This Month - Reports - Forerunner Archive - Links - Site Map - Visitors - Contact The Forerunner (Summer 2002) CHALCEDON AND THE MONOPHYSITE REACTION In 451 the Council of Chalcedon affirmed that Jesus Christ is 'truly God and truly man... made known to us in two natures, unconfusedly, unchangeably, indivisibly, inseparably, the difference of the natures being in no way removed because of the union, but rather the properties of each nature being preserved and concurring into one prosopon and one hypostasis...'. In this way, it is often argued, Chalcedon gave full weight to the union in Christ of the divine and the human, enabling us to think of him as possessing both attributes in the highest possible degree. Yet at the time of Chalcedon there were many Greek-speaking churchmen for whom the phrase 'in two natures' seemed to undermine the very idea of such a union. To put it simply: if we say that Jesus Christ exists 'in two natures' do we continue to believe that during the course of his earthly ministry the divinity and the humanity were fully involved in everything he did? Or were there some things - perhaps not excluding even his death upon the Cross - which can be construed as pertaining to only one of the two natures? This was no mere academic quibble. It aroused deep concerns and furious passions and had the effect of splitting Eastern Christendom into two contending factions: Chalcedonian and Monophysite, each claiming to be Orthodox and each believing itself to be the legitimate heir to the theology of Athanasius and Cyril; and it ultimately gave rise to the separation of Orthodox Christianity into two distinct communions: the 'Eastern' (Chalcedonian) and the 'Oriental' (Monophysite). A complicating factor in the study of the Monophysite controversy has been a tendency on the part of some writers to associate Monophysitism with Eutychianism, a heresy named after the Greek monk Eutyches, who leaned too heavily towards the divine in Christ. Yet this is not how the Monophysite movement appeared to its Chalcedonian opponents in the fifth and sixth centuries. The Monophysites were thought to be exasperatingly stubborn in their refusal to accept the Council of Chalcedon but their fundamental Orthodoxy was never called seriously into question, not at least by reputable Byzantine theologians. In fact it was only the repressive policies of successive Byzantine emperors that caused the dispute to harden into a full-blown schism. The problem of how, if Jesus was divine, he could also be fully human, had taxed some of the best minds in the Church. Even Athanasius, who had insisted time and again on the reality of Jesus' humanity, had been driven to conclude that his body was not naturally mortal. According to Athanasius, Christ could not die from the wearing out of his flesh and had to receive his death at the hands of others. Did he not then hunger? Yes, says Athanasius, he hungered, 'agreeably to the properties of the body. But he did not perish of hunger because a body worn by God cannot do so. Hence, even if he died to ransom all, yet he saw not corruption. For [his body] rose again in perfect soundness, since the body belonged to none other than the very Life'.1 An obvious objection to this line of reasoning is that it calls into question the human reality of Christ's sojourn in the wilderness. If Christ could not die of hunger, can it be said that he was 'at all points tempted like as we are' (Heb.4:15)? It was precisely this kind of problem which appealed to theologians like Diodore of Tarsus (d. c 395), Theodore of Mopsuestia (d. 428) and others of the rising school of Antioch. These people gave full weight to NT passages which seemed to stress the ordinary humanity of Christ, and they were also anxious to safeguard the impassivity of the Godhead. 'There is a great difference between us and God,' argued Theodore, 'and we ought not to overlook this when we are thinking of the divine nature and the works done by it'.2 To their way of thinking the answer to the problem of the Incarnation was to be found in an altogether looser association of the divine Word with the man Jesus. There must, they argued, be some distinction between the two for 'Jesus grew in understanding and stature' (Luke 3:52), which clearly could not be said of the pre-existent Word. According to Theodore, the Word conjoined himself to the man Jesus so that it was possible to attribute some things (like hunger, fear, and the need to pray) to the manhood, and other things (like the miracles) to the action of the indwelling Word. In the person of Christ manhood and divinity were united not hypostatically but by will and grace so completely as to form a single person with two natures. Moreover since God himself was by nature impassive, it was the human nature, the flesh alone, which could be said to have suffered on the Cross. Similarly, since God is perfect and unchangeable he could not have been born; and therefore Mary could not be the Theotokos. 'Mary bore Jesus, not the Word, for the Word was and remained omnipresent, although from the beginning he dwelt in Jesus in a peculiar manner. Thus Mary is properly the Mother of Christ but not the Mother of God'.3 In another place Theodore exclaims: 'It is madness to say that God is born of the Virgin.... Not God but the temple in which God dwelt is born of Mary'.3 In fact the argument over the word Theotokos not only caused deep offence in many quarters (the title was an ancient one, and had been used by many of the fathers); it also illustrated the uneasy logic of the Antiochene position. If what was born of Mary was not God but a mere man then it was possible to argue that the Word took up his abode in an already existing person. Thus, however intimately Jesus was associated with the Word the result was not one but 'two Sons'. Theodore tried to safeguard his teaching against this criticism but the analogy which he offered (that the two natures formed one person, as man and wife are of one flesh) was, to say the least, unfortunate.4 He also habitually described the association of Jesus and the Word as a 'conjunction', not a 'union'. It was this theology, more or less echoed by Nestorius, which caused the latter's condemnation at the Council of Ephesus (431). A point to note is that it is in the teachings of Theodore and his disciples that we first encounter (at least in the East) the fateful term 'in two natures'. It was a phrase which during the next twenty years was to be regularly associated with the Christology of the 'conjunction' school. Nestorius' chief opponent was St Cyril of Alexandria, a consummate theologian who attracted a large and devoted following and whose writings were destined to leave a permanent imprint on Eastern Christian thought. Cyril saw that the teachings of Theodore and Nestorius were fundamentally defective, not least because of the way in which they undermined sacramental theology. If Mary were not the Theotokos but merely the mother of the man Jesus, 'an ordinary human being subject to sin',5 how could his flesh and blood be said to cleanse us from all sin? Moreover Cyril saw, what perhaps Theodore did not, that the latter's doctrines inevitably presupposed 'two Sons' since, according to Theodore and also Nestorius, the Word himself did not suffer on the Cross. It was all very well for them to say that Christ suffered 'in his human nature', but if the Word had no part in those sufferings; if the Word himself did not suffer 'in the flesh'; then for all practical purposes 'nature' was interchangeable with 'person' (which in philosophical parlance it often tended to be anyway). To Cyril, it was axiomatic that Christ was fully human, but being human did not mean that he had two natures (except in a purely theoretical sense), for if he had two natures then he was two persons and not one. Cyril, of course, was well aware of the difficulty he faced in claiming that God himself suffered on the Cross since in his unapproachable Essence God is clearly above and beyond all suffering. For Cyril, the suffering of God upon the Cross was an ineffable mystery, only to be approached by saying that at the Incarnation the Word 'emptied himself' in order to share in our nature. The idea of divine participation lies at the very heart of Cyril's theology and is one of its most attractive features. As Cyril appreciated, there is a world of difference between a God who merely associates himself with a suffering servant and a God who is prepared to suffer himself. What is at stake here is the nature of God's love for mankind. Hence Cyril's famous dictum: 'One of the Trinity suffered in the flesh.' When Nestorius protested that this was impossible, Cyril retorted that Nestorius was altogether too keen to say what was, or was not, possible to God. Cyril was determined to root out any idea of a mere 'conjunction' of Jesus with the divine Word. Divinity and humanity are, of course, different in essence, and in the person of Christ there was no mingling or confusion of the two. Rather these two elements are united in an ineffable manner so that manhood and Godhead are experienced as different aspects of a single consciousness. This consciousness is, of course, that of the divine Word (for 'the Word was made flesh') but of the Word living as a man, subject to the limitations of the flesh, and possessed of a human soul. Obviously there are times when Jesus acts in a divine or 'God-befitting' manner (as when performing miracles) but Cyril refused to attribute such acts to a separate divine 'nature', since to do so would be to dissolve the union in Christ between the divine and the human. To the objection that in such a union 'the human is perforce overwhelmed by the divine', Cyril would have doubtless replied that the whole point of the union was divine kenosis. To Cyril, the watertight definition of the Incarnation was 'one incarnate nature of the divine Word', and it was on account of this definition that the non-Chalcedonians acquired the name Monophysites or 'one-nature-ites'. This was very much Cyril's preferred formulation though he was prepared to accept others provided that the principle of union was firmly upheld. Thus, under pressure from the emperor Theodosius II he entered into negotiations with the Antiochene party, whose discomfiture at Ephesus had caused them to anathematize the proceedings and to be anathematized in turn. The outcome of the negotiations was the Formula of Reunion of 433. The Antiochians accepted the term Theotokos, which Cyril acknowledged to have been his chief concern, and Cyril accepted a compromise formula regarding the Incarnation: 'For of two natures there has been made a union. For which cause we confess one Christ, one Son, one Lord'.6 Cyril was criticized at the time for allowing the phrase 'of two natures' to cloud the issue but hastened to reassure his supporters. He had given ground on vocabulary but not, he felt, on any matter of principle. 'A union of two natures' was tolerable, especially as it was buttressed by reference to 'one Christ, one Son, one Lord.' He would have been mortified to know that eighteen years later a letter from Pope Leo I, referring to Christ existing 'in two natures', would be read at the Council of Chalcedon and would be acclaimed to cries of: 'Piously and truly did Leo teach; so taught Cyril. Everlasting be the memory of Cyril. Leo and Cyril taught the same thing'.7 At this point it is necessary to say something about Eutyches, if only because he was the flashpoint for the tragedy which followed. Actually it is not easy to say what Eutyches did teach. He was a supporter of Cyril's theology though he evidently misunderstood it, and he also shifted his ground under pressure. The picture emerges of an elderly archimandrite, fussy and intensely political, who was popular at court but a thorn in the side of Patriarch Flavian of Constantinople. Timothy Aelurus, a leading opponent of the Council of Chalcedon, thought him 'a very disagreeable man, whose militant orthodoxy smelt out heresy everywhere, and had a way of turning to personal hatred of any supposed heretic'.8 He was eventually arraigned by Eusebius of Dorylaeum, another inveterate heresy hunter, and summoned before the Home Synod of Constantinople to explain himself. The original charge seems to have been one of teaching that Christ's body 'was not of our substance', i.e. that it was 'heavenly' flesh, and his later supporters seem to have followed this line. Gradually however, the charge seems to have been narrowed down to that of denying that Christ existed in two natures, whereupon Eutyches modified his views to the extent of confessing 'two natures before the Union and one after it' - statement which he insisted on attributing to both Cyril and Athanasius, though it would surely have offended their keen logic. On this ground he was condemned to deposition and loss of priestly status. It was an unfortunate decision, given that its basis could only have the effect of alarming and rallying Cyril's supporters, but it was probably justified on the grounds that whatever Eutyches believed, it was not what Cyril or any other reputable theologian had taught. Eutyches was unwilling to let the matter rest, and persuaded the Emperor Theodosius that he had been the victim of improper courtroom procedures. After a painful scene between the emperor and his patriarch, Theodosius summoned a General Council to meet at Ephesus in the late summer of 449, entrusting it to the virtual presidency of Dioscoros, Cyril's successor as bishop of Alexandria. In other words Eutyches was to be judged by his own party. His ensuing acquittal was to be an acute embarrassment to the Monophysite party but Timothy Aelurus maintained that he was only exonerated after submitting to Cyril's formula 'one incarnate nature', and a surviving libellus supports this claim. In any case Dioscoros overplayed his hand, turning the tables on Patriarch Flavian. Quoting Canon VII of the previous Council of Ephesus he reminded the synod that it had been there enacted that any bishop who presumed to teach a different faith from that of Nicaea should be deposed. Flavian, he maintained, had done this with his formula regarding the two natures, sowing discord in the churches. Amid extraordinary scenes during which the bishops were intimidated by imperial soldiers, Flavian was condemned and manhandled, and although his injuries may have been superficial he died not long afterwards.9 Dioscoros' behaviour provoked a storm. Leo, bishop of Rome, condemned the Council, calling it the 'Latrocinium' - a band of robbers - and after the death of Theodosius in the following year it was perhaps inevitable that the matter would be referred to yet another Council. Thus the stage was set for Chalcedon. The new Council met in October 451. All might yet have been well, for Cyril's teachings enjoyed enormous prestige throughout much of the East, although by this time Dioscoros himself was a marked man. What fatally complicated the proceedings was an old letter from Pope Leo, which had been written to Flavian after Eutyches' first examination. It was supposed to have been read aloud at the Latrocinium, but first Juvenal of Jerusalem and then Eutyches asked for it to be deferred (Eutyches on the ground that his own case should first be disposed of, which the Council thought fair), and when proceedings ended in disorder it was still on the agenda. It was now produced and read to the assembled bishops. This letter, the so-called Tome of Leo, was a laboured exposition of the two-nature Christology of the Western church, where controversies of the kind that had been racking the Greek-speaking world were all but unknown. According to Leo's simple logic, Christ was both God and man; therefore he must exist in two natures. To the much more subtle reasonings of the Eastern mind the Tome was riddled with ambiguities and in several places could be construed as Nestorian. It was particularly unfortunate that it should surface now. The fact that the bishops at Chalcedon acclaimed the Tome should not lead us to suppose that they accepted it without reservation. In part they applauded it because they were reacting against Dioscoros (and Dioscoros had just excommunicated Leo); in part because it had been written to 'the martyr' Flavian, whose memory required propitiation. Also there were the diplomatic niceties. At this stage in the proceedings no one could foresee that they would be tied down to the wording of the Tome and it was customary to pay tribute to the chair of Peter. Just how much uneasiness remained beneath the surface, however, can be deduced from what followed. Prior to the fifth session of the Council a draft statement had been prepared, and this received practically unanimous approval. Unfortunately the text has not survived because, in the words of W.H.C. Frend: ... immediate objection was encountered from the papal legates supported by some of the bishops from the Patriarchate of Antioch, that it contained no direct mention of the two natures of Christ. It is clear, however, that it affirmed Christ was 'of two natures' and the Blessed Virgin was Theotokos.… The legates threatened to return home and hold a new council in Italy. A considerable number of the bishops would not have been sorry to see them go. 'Let the formula stand, or we depart,' they shouted, 'these men are Nestorians. Let them be off to Rome.' Such a contingency, however, could have split the empire in two.... Amid growing uproar the imperial commissioners who presided over the proceedings intervened... 10 The commissioners knew their business. They reminded the bishops that Dioscoros had accepted the expression 'of two natures', whereas according to Leo there were 'two natures in Christ'. 'Which one would you follow, the most holy Leo or Dioscoros?' Since Dioscoros had already been deposed 'for disobedience to the Council and other crimes' the question was entirely rhetorical. The emperor required a vote for Leo, and Leo it had to be. The most magnificent and glorious judges [i.e. the commissioners] said, 'Add then to the definition, according to the judgement of our most holy father Leo, that there are two natures in Christ ...'.11 The Council of Chalcedon ushered in a period of intense and prolonged unrest throughout the East. 'Its statement of faith was instinctively repellent to a large number of the signatories'. (Frend12) 'No sooner had the bishops departed from Chalcedon than dissentients began to give voice to their indignation'. (Sellers13) The pendulum swung first one way and then the other although from the outset Egypt was almost solidly anti-Chalcedonian. Palestine, at first hostile to the Council, moved gradually to accept it. Syria, on the other hand, became increasingly Monophysite. Everywhere monks and bishops offered differing interpretations and in many parts of the empire popular feeling ran high against the Council. Political violence was rife. In 484 - thirty-three years after Chalcedon - the emperor Zeno, acting on the advice of his patriarch Acacius, issued his famous Henotikon in response to petitions: from pious archimandrites and hermits and other venerable persons, imploring us with tears that unity should be procured for the churches... For [since Chalcedon] some have departed deprived of the layer of regeneration, and others have been borne away on the inevitable journey of man without having partaken in the divine Communion; and innumerable murders have also been perpetrated, so that not only the earth but even the very air has been defiled….14 The Henotikon offered a framework of unity based on the Councils of Nicaea, Constantinople and Ephesus I. The 'impious' Nestorius and Eutyches were anathematised and the twelve anathemas of Cyril against Nestorius were received. It affirmed that Mary was the Theotokos, that Jesus Christ, 'consubstantial both with God and man, is one and not two' and that both his miracles and his sufferings are of one person; and it anathematised 'everyone who has held or holds any other opinion, whether at Chalcedon or in any other synod.' Chalcedon itself was not condemned (Zeno refused to do this) but its statements were to be received in a sense which was compatible with the teachings of St Cyril. Although the Henotikon was less successful than Zeno hoped, it did take much of the heat out of the controversy, and was accompanied by the restoration of communion between Constantinople and Alexandria. Thereafter 'Chalcedon was neither openly proclaimed nor yet repudiated by all: but the bishops acted each according to his own opinion' (Evagrius 111:30). The Henotikon endured for over forty years, and even during the reigns of Justin and Justinian (518–565) imperial policy vacillated between tolerance and repression. During this latter period, however, the Monophysites were forced into reluctant schism and when, in 568, Justin II seemed ready to capitulate to Monophysite demands, it was die-hard Monophysite monks who refused to accede to a concordat. Persecution followed (including the force-feeding of Monophysites with the consecrated elements15), and with the Moslem conquest of Syria (633–6) and Egypt (640–6) all hope of reconciliation finally died. To Leo of Rome, all those who did not accept the Council of Chalcedon were 'Eutychians'.16 This was inaccurate and unfair for although there were Eutychian factions among the monks, the leaders and spokesmen of the Monophysite movement were mainstream Christians who honestly believed that the Chalcedonian documents were either Nestorian, or so badly drafted as to invite a Nestorian interpretation. As Frend remarks: …opponents of Chalcedon were the 'Hesitants', the diakrinominoi, those who 'had reservations' about accepting its position… As Patriarch John the Faster (582–95) complained in the reign of Maurice, their doctrines were irreproachable yet they would not communicate with Chalcedonians.17 Sellers makes the same point: In the first place, it should be understood that the Monophysite theologians were not heretics; nor were they regarded as such by the leading Chalcedonians.18 Opposition to Eutychianism was, in fact, a regular feature of the Monophysite position. Thus the great Monophysite scholar Severus, Patriarch of Antioch (512–518), consistently opposed those who preached that Christ did not suffer hunger or thirst like mortal men, and Timothy Aelurus, bishop of Alexandria (d. 477) ordered the withdrawal of communion from Bishop Isaiah of Hermopolis for denying the reality of Christ's flesh. Severus, Timothy and Diodoros all insisted that, except as regards sin, Christ was in every way co-natural with men. Some critics have implied that the Monophysites, though sound in doctrine, were by temperament controversialists and hair-splitters. Yet this too is unfair (if we leave aside groups of intransigent monks, who were by no means all on the one side). One can understand how, to churchmen of a rigorously disciplined mind and schooled in the teachings of Cyril, Chalcedon might seem to represent a threat to the faith every bit as serious as the teachings of Arius. In particular they could point to passages in the Tome of Leo which seemed to confirm their worst fears, for example: Each form, in communion with the other, does the acts which are proper to it; the Word, that is, performing what belongs to the Word, and the flesh carrying out what belongs to the flesh. The one shines forth in miracles; the other succumbs to injuries. This, of course, is exactly what Theodore and Nestorius had been saying. As Timothy Aelurus pointed out: if the Eternal Logos was born of the Virgin, and if there is but one Person incarnate, then 'it is the Same, even He who was incarnate, who died in the flesh for the life of the world'.19 Severus made the same point more trenchantly, pointing out that Leo had supported his argument with the further statement that it was 'not of the same nature to say "I and my Father are one", and to say "the Father is greater than I."' Of course, said Severus, the Fathers, including Cyril, had recognized the difference between the two sayings, noting that one was God-befitting and the other more man-befitting, but Leo had taken this further, causing each nature to speak!20 The Tome of Leo caused immense disquiet. Even among Greeks who supported Chalcedon there was a tendency to accept the Council purely as a defence against the teachings of Nestorius and Eutyches. Thus although Chalcedon had sidetracked Cyril's watertight formulas it was in the context of Cyril's theology that the Council came to be viewed. Attempts were made to equate the Council's 'two natures inseparably united' with Cyril's 'one incarnate nature', and this approach received substantial support in the decisions of the Fifth Ecumenical Council (553). A number of writings against Cyril by members of the Antiochene school were now condemned (the same writers had been exonerated at Chalcedon); and in a series of new anathemas the unity of Christ was heavily emphasized. Of particular significance were Anathemas VIII and X. Anathema X condemned anyone who 'shall not confess that our Lord Jesus Christ who was crucified in the flesh is true God and the Lord of Glory, and one of the Holy Trinity'; and as a further concession to Monophysite scruple this anathema was given liturgical expression in the great hymn O monogenis… ('Only-begotten Son and Word of God') which is still sung at the Liturgy after the second antiphon. Likewise, and despite its negative emphases, Anathema VIII appeared to recognize as valid the expressions 'of two natures' and 'one incarnate nature' provided that these terms were used in Cyril's sense to mean that Christ's humanity and divinity came together to form a 'hypostatic union, whereof is one Christ'.21 In this way the formal canonicity of the Council of Chalcedon was preserved and its formulas and decisions were reinterpreted or at any rate clarified. One can only regret that these decisions came too late to prevent what was fast becoming a full-blown schism. Yet schism is not heresy, and the passionate dispute which so fatally compromised the Orthodox East is now widely recognized to have been essentially terminological. Even today, a Greek or Russian Orthodox Christian can enter (say) a Coptic church, or join in Coptic worship, and feel entirely at home. No doubt there is irony in this state of affairs but there is cause for rejoicing too, for it witnesses to a spiritual identity among Orthodox Christians which 1500 years of cultural and canonical separation have been unable to destroy. Reader Ian Thompson Notes 1. De Incarnatione XXI 2. Quoted in W.H.C. Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 1972, p.126 3. See The Seven Ecumenical Councils [SEC], Eerdmans 1983, p.208 4. SEC p.208 5 St Cyril of Alexandria, On the Unity of Christ, tr. J.A. McGuckin, SVS Press, NY 1995, p.60 6. Reproduced in Documents Illustrative of the History of the Church, vol.2, SPCK 1932, p.267 7. SEC p.259 8. W.A. Wigram, The Separation of the Monophysites 1923, p.195 9. Frend notes that after the Council Flavian was still apparently well enough to pen an appeal to Leo (op.cit. p.42, n.3). The emperor had previously written to the Council, claiming to have told Flavian several times to abandon the question of Eutyches in order not to stir up trouble throughout the world, but that Flavian had refused (ibid. p.36, n.1) 10. Frend, p.3 11. SEC p.261. The Tome of Leo was attached to the Chalcedonian definition and thus achieved Conciliar status 12. Frend, p.4 13. R.V. Sellers, The Council of Chalcedon 1961, p.254 14. Full text in Documents Illustrative of the History of the Church, pp.330-332 15. Wigram, op.cit. pp.165-6. However revolting we may consider such coercion, the incident seems to me worth recalling, for it shows that even 120 years after Chalcedon, Monophysite Christians were considered worthy of Communion and therefore doctrinally Orthodox 16. Leo, Epp. III, 1 and 2. See also Frend, p.145 17. Frend, introduction p.xiii 18. Sellers, p.269 19. ibid, p.266 20. ibid, p.267 21 This is also John Meyendorff's interpretation of Anathema VIII. See Byzantine Theology, Mowbray 1975, p.3
ON THE CHARCOAL Some personal reflections on the Jesus Prayer So many wonderful articles have been written about the Jesus Prayer that I hesitate to add another contribution to this subject. But, as always, I write because I feel I should, and from within my own background and experience, which are sometimes not at all those of the majority. One of the experiences which will be familiar to us all is that of the fragrance of different kinds of incense. I have handled a great deal of it during my life. Among the Orthodox it tends to be floral – rose, jasmine and the rest. Occasionally they are compared with expensive perfume or even with washing powders. That is not as inappropriate as we may think: at the risk of shocking the pious, I would remind us all that when the sinful woman anointed the feet of the Lord, she probably gave him what she had previously sued for the profession from which she now intended to take 'early retirement'! However, there are other kinds of incense. I remember some powerful red objects which looked like chopped vermicelli, and which I had to ask people to use only on certain occasions because the fumes caused asthma. Then there was what looked like pieces of marble or candy. I liked its ascetic aroma very much, but recommended its use only in Lent or for memorial services, because evidently Greek people associate its smell with funerals. For some years now I have thought of the Jesus Prayer as the charcoal on which the incense of life, the bitter and the sweet, may be sent up to God. As one goes about, each thought, each circumstance, each event or experience may be dealt with in this way. This is particularly useful when one does not know what to say, or whether one should be praying about the matter at all, for example whether one is being obsessional about it or one's attitude towards it is not right. All is taken up on the charcoal of the Prayer. Curiously enough, the same principle applies even when we are reciting the Prayer more formally, sitting with closed eyes or walking along, possibly using a prayer rope. Of course we are supposed to concentrate on the words, to turn away from other thoughts - of course we are - but so often we find that we are not doing so, and we cannot, whether because we are ill or upset, for no specific reason, or for a reason which is unworthy. Whatever the reason, we are still continuing with the Prayer, we stand or sit before God as we are, not necessarily as we would like to be, and our weaknesses, our illness, our wandering thoughts and feelings, our very selves indeed, are taken up (burnt but not necessarily consumed like the Burning Bush) on this charcoal. Some time ago I stood before a shrine of St Seraphim in a church. I was unwell, and I had personal worries. I kissed the relics and pressed my head on the glass which covered them. I was like someone coming to St Seraphim a century or more ago. Father Seraphim was silent. Then the words of a curate I had known when I was at school came to my mind: 'These things have a funny way of working themselves out.' When we dream, we do not have to 'understand' or 'interpret' the events; our wandering mind is 'working things out' better than anyone through these therapeutic symbols. Similarly, when we recite the Prayer formally, is our distracted failure a prayer or no prayer at all? Is it a waste both of our chronos (time as measured by clocks, calendars, birthdays) and of our kairos (personal moment of development in time)? I don't think so…. Reader Nicholas Higgs ******* STANDING AT THE FOUR CROSSROADS A chapter from Confession: Doorway to Forgiveness by Jim Forest, recently published by Orbis Books (in the UK: Alban Books. ISBN 1-57075-386-5) No writer has explored more carefully than Dostoevsky the way a sin is justified in the doer's mind before it is committed, the innate human urge to confess afterward, the struggle not to confess, and the healing made possible by confession - all lessons Dostoevsky learned in the crucible of life. A writer whose later work always had a religious core, he came to faith the hard way. In 1849, the twenty-eight-year-old Dostoevsky had been sentenced to death for his radical associations and activities in St Petersburg. He was standing at the place of execution, in view of the firing squad, when his death sentence was commuted by the tsar. Days later, the hair shaven off one side of his head and wearing a convict's black-and-white-striped uniform, he was sent in chains to Siberia. While he was on his way the wife of another convict managed to give him a copy of the New Testament along with a ten-rouble note hidden in the cover. He kept the book with him for the rest of his life. He spent the first four years 'packed like a sardine' inside a vermin-infested prison barrack, a rotting building that was stuffy in summer and freezing in winter, a world without any privacy or safety. He wasn't permitted to write a single letter. Yet there was a certain blessing in his sojourn in the 'lower depths', a term often used by radical Russian intellectuals who contemplated the ordinary people - the narod - from a safe distance. Tolstoy might occasionally labor with his peasants and wear similar clothing, but at night he slept on silk sheets. Dostoevsky lived and slept day and night for years among some of Russia's poorest. Among the 'unfortunate ones', as Russians often called those in prison, he rethought the foundations of his life A religious awakening occurred. He began to consider that the Gospel might be true and that the Church - the guardian of the Gospel - might be something more than a social institution whose main task was blessing the tsar and the activities of the state. Finally allowed to engage in correspondence in 1854, he related to a friend how he had come to thirst for faith 'as withered grass thirsts for water': I'm a child of the age, a child of doubt and unbelief, and even, I'm certain, till the day they close the lid of my coffin. What terrible torment this thirst to believe has cost me and is still costing me, the stronger it becomes in my soul, the stronger are the arguments against it. And despite all this God sends me moments of great tranquility, moments during which I love and find I am loved by others. It was during such a moment that I formed within myself a symbol of faith in which all is clear and sacred for me. The symbol [creed] is very simple, and here is what it is: to believe that there is nothing more beautiful, more profound, more sympathetic, more reasonable, more courageous, and more perfect than Christ; and there not only isn't, but I tell myself with a jealous love, there cannot be. More than that - if someone succeeded in proving to me that Christ was outside the truth, and if, indeed, the truth was outside Christ, I would sooner remain with Christ than with the truth. It is in Dostoevsky's Siberian years that the novels of his later life have their roots. In Crime and Punishment, Dostoevsky's central figure is Raskolnikov, a sullen student living in a shabby rented room in St. Petersburg. He regards himself as modern, belonging to a new age in which God and compassion have been banished by science. Penniless, he is obsessed with loathing for a moneylender to whom he is in debt and slowly becomes a murderer in his imagination. It occurs to him that murder is not always regarded as a crime - those who commit crime on a huge scale, people like Napoleon, are regarded as national heroes, benefactors of humanity and giants of history despite the desolation and carnage they instigate. Such supermen, refusing to be shackled by mere morality, 'make a new law by transgressing an old one'. Raskolnikov decides that by killing the moneylender, a selfish old woman whom no one will mourn, he would be saving many families 'from destitution from decay, from ruin, from depravity' while at the same time relieving his own poverty. He imagines that afterwards, liberated from destitution with the money he has obtained from the chest in her bedroom, he will be free to 'devote himself to the service of humanity and the common good'. In such a case, he reasons, murder, far from being a sin, would be just and good. 'One death for hundreds of lives - it's simple arithmetic!' Yet when he commits his carefully planned and philosophically justified murder, things do not go entirely as intended. He kills the moneylender but discovers that a simple-minded young woman, Lizaveta, has witnessed his deed and so murders her as well so that she cannot testify against him. The hatchet Raskolnikov had hidden in his jacket is now reddened not only with a miser's blood but also with that of a saintly innocent who never harmed or hated anyone. He has been clever in committing his crime. No trail of clues connects him to the two dead women. Even so an intuitive policeman, Porfiry Petrovich, finds more and more reasons to regard Raskolnikov as the guilty one. Petrovich sees Raskolnikov's nearly dead soul - his heart 'chafed by theories' - and understands that this young man's only hope is confession and repentance. He plays a part in rescuing Raskolnikov from the hell into which he has locked himself. Porfiry Petrovich is able to say to Raskolnikov that 'God is waiting for you' and to tell him that the suffering he will have to endure as a prisoner can be, after all, a good thing. He points out to Raskolnikov that his crime, terrible as it was, might have been worse: 'If you'd come up with a different theory, you might have done something a hundred million times more hideous!' He delays arresting Raskolnikov in the hope that he will 'become like a sun' and confess. But Raskolnikov's principal rescuer is Sonya, a young woman of deep Christian faith who has become a prostitute for the sake of her impoverished family's survival. When at last Raskolnikov admits to her his terrible secret, it is Sonya who tells him that his only hope is confession - confession to God, to the police, to a priest, to everyone: 'What to do?' she exclaimed, suddenly jumping up from her place, and her eyes, still full of tears, suddenly flashed. 'Stand up!' (She seized him by the shoulder; he rose, looking at her almost in amazement.) 'Go now, this minute, stand in the crossroads, bow down, and first kiss the earth you've defiled, then bow to the whole world, on all four sides, and say aloud to everyone: "I have killed!" Then God will send you life again. Will you go? Will you?' Sonya has a copy of the New Testament from which she used to read aloud to Lizaveta. Raskolnikov asks her to read to him from the same book. She turns to the eleventh chapter of John's Gospel but at first has difficulty making any sound, she is so overcome with emotion. Finally she starts reading: 'Now a certain man was sick, named Lazarus, of Bethany....' It is the story of Jesus' friend who died and four days later, from within his tomb, was called back to life. Jesus asks Martha if she believes in the resurrection of the dead. She says she believes her brother will be raised back to life at the end of time. Jesus responds, 'I am the resurrection and the life'. Sonya by now is reading with strength in her voice, as if she herself were Martha: "Yes, Lord, I believe that you are the Christ, the Son of God...." Sonya assures Raskolnikov that his only hope is to confess, accept suffering, and thus redeem himself. Otherwise, though outwardly free and part of normal society, his unspeakable secret will cut him off from everyone around him, even his mother and sister. Raskolnikov realizes that in confessing the truth to Sonya, a door has opened at least a crack. They sit side by side, sad and crushed, as if they had been washed up alone on a deserted shore after a storm. He looked at Sonya and felt how much of her love was on him, and, strangely, suddenly felt it heavy and painful to be loved like that. Yes, it was a strange and terrible feeling! She offers Raskolnikov a small cross that had belonged to the murdered Lizaveta and promises him to share in his suffering and to help him bear his cross. Lizaveta's cross is a gift he cannot yet accept, nor is he yet capable of surrendering to Sonya's counsel. In the days that follow he considers escaping to America. At other moments he contemplates suicide. But finally he goes to the police station and confesses the double murder. The punishment for murder in late-nineteenth-century Russia was not execution but imprisonment and hard labor in Siberia. Raskolnikov gets a relatively short sentence - eight years, the length of Dostoevsky's own period of imprisonment and exile. The judge explains that it would have been a longer sentence, but he has taken note of the fact that Raskolnikov made no effort during his trial to excuse himself on the basis of illness or temporary insanity nor ever used any of the stolen money for his own benefit. There was also the fact that several persons testified on his behalf about ways he had helped them. Sonya eventually follows him to Siberia, living not far from the prison and doing all she can to help not only Raskolnikov but also other 'unfortunate ones'. It is while in prison, a year after his conviction, that the full horror of his two murders dawns on Raskolnikov. Real repentance begins and with it floods of tears. In the last paragraph of Crime and Punishment, Raskolnikov holds in his hands the New Testament, a book he has been keeping under his pillow but not yet opened: He took the book out mechanically. It belonged to her, it was the same one from which she had read to him about the raising of Lazarus. At the beginning of his hard labor he had thought she would hound him with religion, would be forever talking about the Gospels and forcing books on him. But to his greatest amazement, she never once spoke of it, never once even offered him the Gospels. He had asked her for it himself... and she had silently brought him the book. He had not even opened it yet. Nor did he open it now, but a thought flashed in him: 'Can her convictions not be my convictions now?...' While compressing a large and complex novel into a few pages oversimplifies the spiritual struggle at the heart of the book, even through a brief retelling one can understand how Sonya's wisdom and love are enough to bring about Raskolnikov's conversion. More than any other person, she helps him understand that there is no alternative to confession and repentance. With these, the doors of the kingdom of God can open even for a man in prison who has committed one of the worst of sins. For the first time since childhood, Raskolnikov experiences inner freedom even though he has seven more years to serve. The Brothers Karamazov, Dostoevsky's last novel, provides the author with another opportunity to explore the themes of sin and repentance, doing so on an even larger canvas than Crime and Punishment. Again the pivotal event is murder - an act of patricide by one of the sons of Fyodor Karamazov, a jeering, cynical man of unbridled lust and greed. What we are starkly confronted with in the Karamazov brothers are very different human types. There is Alyosha, the youngest, who has miraculously emerged from the moral squalor of his father's home with a purity of heart and compelling directness most people relinquish in adol-escence. This is due in great measure to vivid memories of his mother, who before her early death held him in her arms before her icon of the Mother of God and the Christ Child, praying with tears for Alyosha's protection. In the period described in the novel, Alyosha has become a novice at the local monastery, assigned to care for Fr Zosima, a saintly monk who hears the confessions of countless pilgrims. The Christ-like Alyosha is able to visit his father and listen to him ridicule Christianity in general and monastic life in particular without rising to the bait. He is one of the rarities in the human race who has no need to defend himself or his faith. Then there is Ivan Karamazov with his diamond-hard intellect, a scholar with acute but abstracted analytical powers, who seems to be seeing the earth and its people not from where he stands but as if he were watching by telescope from the moon. He is an expert on religion, especially Orthodox Christianity, and his widely read essays are even admired by the monks at the local monastery. They assume he is a believer, yet in fact Ivan is an atheist, rejecting God so long as there is a single child suffering from incurable illness. He is the sort of atheist who is so obsessed with the God to whom he objects and against whom he revolts that he is as God-haunted as the devout Alyosha. God is for Ivan a problem of the mind, for Alyosha a presence in the heart. Alienated Ivan is among those laying the foundations for the terrifying revolution to come only a few decades later - one of those idealists who hope, as Fr Zosima says, 'to make a just order for them-selves but, having rejected Christ, will end by drenching the earth with blood'. In the eldest brother, Dimitri, we meet a poetic, impulsive young man who has inherited his father's sensuality but not his greed or cunning. He is passionately in love with Grushenka, a capricious and manipulative local beauty - a woman who has also caught the eye of the elder Karamazov, so that we find father and son competing with each other for her attention, with the father having the advantage of wealth, the son the advantage of youth. Dimitri is an image of the tragic sinner Christ loves and readily forgives in response to the tiniest gesture of repentance. He is someone who might bathe Christ's feet with his tears. 'Lord, I am loathsome,' Dimitri cries out, 'but I love you! If you send me to hell, even there will I love you'. Finally there is a fourth son, Smerdyakov, son of a simple- minded girl who hardly knew her name, fathered by Fyodor Karamazov when he happened upon Lizaveta one night and raped her. He never confessed his deed and thus never acknowledged Smerdyakov as his son, but following Lizaveta's death in childbirth, he allowed his servant Grigory and his wife to care for the boy, who grew up to become another of his father's servants. The bitter and withdrawn Smerdyakov has known even less love than the legitimate sons of Karamazov. By the time the elder Karamazov is murdered, we know the brothers well enough to understand that each of them except Alyosha had a homicidal motive, and understand why it is that even Alyosha feels implicated in his father's murder, for he has learned from Fr Zosima that 'each is guilty of everything before everyone, and I most of all'. Finally Dimitri is accused and arrested on the basis of circumstantial evidence. 'I am not guilty of my father's blood,' declares Dimitri when charged, yet he concedes that his arrest is just spiritually. 'I accept punishment not because I killed him, but because I wanted to kill him, and might well have killed him...'. Only later does it become clear who really committed the act and how cunningly it was planned. The reader also comes to understand that Ivan, though he did not commit the murder, is the crime's intellectual author. It was Ivan who convinced the murderer that, as there is no God, there is no sin. Now he discovers that ideology can be as deadly as an axe. In one of the pivotal moments in the book, we find Alyosha talking with Ivan, now on the verge of madness, about the huge guilt Alyosha senses has taken hold of his brother. Alyosha suddenly turns to Ivan and says: 'It was not you who killed father. ...You've accused yourself and confessed to yourself that you and you alone are the murderer. But it was not you who killed him, you are mistaken, the murderer was not you, do you hear, it was not you! God has sent me to tell you that'. Alyosha does not mean that Ivan is blameless in their father's death. In assuring Ivan that it was 'not you', Alyosha wants his brother to understand that what he has done was the result of a demonic spirit at work within him rather than an action of his essential self. Should Ivan confuse the evil he has done with his deepest self, he will have damned himself and may never find his way out of the despair that results. Alyosha's message is a desperate effort to save Ivan's sanity and soul. Demonic possession is a theme that Dostoevsky explored in Demons (a title sometimes translated as The Possessed), yet in this novel we meet no demons as such - only people possessed by radical ideas and ideologies. Demons become visible, writes Dostoevsky translator Richard Pevear, 'only in distortions of the human image, the human countenance, and their force is measurable only by the degree of the distortion'. The demons in Dostoevsky's novels operate via all the 'isms' that flooded across Russia in the nineteenth century: idealism, rationalism, empiricism, materialism, utilitarianism, positivism, anarchism, social-ism, and, common to them all, nihilism and atheism. Demons - invisible spirits serving Satan, the father of lies - discovered that many nineteenth-century intellectuals were more vulnerable to idealistic theories and slogans than to wealth or other traditional temptations that had worked so well with their parents. Evil ideologies invade a person, pervert him, gradually driving him to crime, insanity, or both. 'It was not you who ate the idea,' says one of the novel's principal figures, Pyotr Verkhovensky, 'but the idea ate you'. 'If we call Satan the father of lies, I think we begin to understand that evil is rooted in untruth, denial of the Truth, in deception', writes my friend Alice Carter: Denial of Christ is denial of Truth, to deny his Resurrection propels us into sin - sin which is the only response to seeing death as the end. If death is the end, attention to my biological needs is my first priority: my needs over everyone else. Any injustice, any crime can be tolerated and is really unavoidable, in this perception. My survival is first. The end justifies the means. And in a world without God, as Dostoevsky tells us, anything is possible, everything is permitted. What can prevent our murderous actions from over-whelming and destroying the earth? Dostoevsky was no Manichean envisioning God and Satan as equally matched warring twins. His experiences while a prisoner had shown him that evil was not on an equal footing with good, that demons are capable only of destruction, not creation. Since we are made in God's image, evil can never be the essence of any person, even the most damaged, the most sinful, the most possessed. However weakened by habitual sin, each person retains to the last breath the freedom to turn from evil, to confess and repent. 'Never confuse the person, formed in the image of God, with the evil that is in him, because evil is but a chance misfortune, illness, a devilish reverie', said Dostoevsky's contemporary, St John of Kronstadt. 'But the very essence of the person is the image of God, and this remains in him despite every disfigurement'. Coping with disaster in his own life, Dostoevsky came to realize that God is both our private salvation and the only source of social cohesion. We live a different life if we know we are made by God, bear the Divine image, and that each of us is - and all of us are - accountable to God. To deny God is a form of suicide and at the same time the cause of social disintegration and mass murder. In place of demonic ideas and ideologies, there is the reality of God's creation and of the person. There is the saving mystery of beauty. Thus we find Dostoevsky's heroes in sacramental moments kissing the earth and watering it with their tears. This is what Sonya proposed that Raskolnikov do at the four crossroads and what Alyosha did after the death of his saintly mentor, Fr Zosima: He did not stop on the porch, either, but went quickly down the steps. Filled with rapture, his soul yearned for freedom, space, vastness. Over him the heavenly dome, full of quiet, shining stars, hung boundlessly. From the zenith to the horizon the still-dim Milky Way stretched its double strand. Night, fresh and quiet, almost unstirring, enveloped the earth. The white towers and golden domes of the church gleamed in the sapphire sky. The luxuriant autumn flowers in the flowerbeds near the house had fallen asleep until morning. The silence of the earth seemed to merge with the silence of the heavens, the mystery of the earth touched the mystery of the stars.... Alyosha stood gazing and suddenly, as if he had been cut down, threw himself to the earth. He did not know why he was embracing it, he did not try to understand why he longed irresistibly to kiss it, to kiss all of it, but he was kissing it, weeping, sobbing, and watering it with his tears, and he vowed ecstatically to love it, to love it unto ages of ages. 'Water the earth with the tears of your joy, and love those tears...' rang his soul. What was he weeping for? Oh, in his rapture he wept even for the stars that shone on him from the abyss, and 'he was not ashamed of this ecstasy.' It was as if threads from all those innumerable worlds of God all came together in his soul, and it was trembling all over, 'touching other worlds.' He wanted to forgive everyone and for everything, and to ask forgiveness, oh, not for himself! but for all and for everything, 'as others are asking for me,' rang in his soul. ******* REPORTS A Wellspring of the Christian Mystical Tradition: The Macarian Homilies A Study Day given at St Theosevia Centre, Oxford, on 2 February 2002 by Dr Marcus Plested, the Institute for Orthodox Christian Studies, Cambridge. The event was organised jointly by the Fellowship and the St Theosevia Centre Of John Wesley, it was once said, 'he read Macarius, and he sang'; he had with him during his trip to North America a copy of the first translation into English, made in 1721. In the Macarian Homilies we encounter an early collection of fundamental Patristic writings which has continued to exercise an influence throughout Christianity, both East and West. The Homilies emerged out of the spiritual and political ferment of the Syriac Christian world of the late fourth century. Originally written in Greek, they were translated into Arabic and Georgian prior to the eleventh century, and into Latin in the fourteenth century (this being done by a Spiritual Franciscan). In the Orthodox world the Homilies are a fundamental building-block, being the writings of a great number of the Fathers, such as Diadochus of Photike, Symeon the New Theologian, Maximos the Confessor and Gregory Palamas. Their influence and importance cannot be underestimated. The actual author of the Homilies is quite unknown; indeed in the Arabic traditions they are ascribed to one 'Symeon'. In all probability they were a collection circulated anonymously, relating to the teachings of a spiritual father known as 'the Blessed One' (του μακάρου) of an ascetical community, probably in the region of Syrian Antioch. The ascetical life at that period did not necessarily involve monastic vows and was open to married couples (known as 'sons and daughters of the Covenant'). The Homilies, then, were not intended just for a restricted group within the Church, but for all Christians – as if the master theme were 'the reality of Christianity is this, to taste the truth, to eat, we need to have determination to strive towards perfection'. So the Homilies have a refreshing absence of excessively technical monastic terminology, a light and free style which carries a certain attractiveness for contemporary readers. If we wish to look at the master themes in the Homilies, an obvious starting point is that the body participates in the spiritual life, allied to a very striking sense of the possibility of a direct experience of God, on the clear understanding (often ignored in contemporary versions of the Homilies used by Pentecostals) that there is an active participation in the sacramental life of the Church. The Syriac tradition is revealed by the extensive use of metaphors of clothing oneself, and in nuptial imagery. There is a refreshing use of metaphors drawn from farming: the man who aspires to receive from God the seed of grace must first clear the earth of his heart, so that when the seed of the Spirit falls it may yield a good and abundant harvest.1 The balance and imagery of the writings should easily dispel any suspicion that the Homilies were written within heretical Messalian groups, which denied value of the human body and practised sometimes extreme forms of asceticism. Macarius has a very fine grasp of the theology of the tragedy of the Fall: Adam 'lost the robe of glory', 'Satan has covered the wills of men with darkness as with smoke', all humanity is crippled by the Fall and we forgot our former glory which we shared in Adam. Christ came to call us back from 'the forgetfulness of delusion'. Salvation is not automatic, we have to actively remember that ancient glory and enter into a living co-operation with God in a true and lifelong spiritual warfare. The Homilies emphasise especially the Trinitarian dynamic of salvation and of all the early texts which have come down to us, the Macarian corpus is particularly focussed on the Divinity of the Holy Spirit. Macarius even refers to the Holy Spirit in metaphors like 'heavenly mother' but this is balanced by references to the Spirit as 'bridegroom of the soul'. Whilst the life in the Spirit brings inexpressible joy and 'spiritual drunkenness' there is also weeping and lamenting. Macarius possesses a deep understanding of the mutual indwelling of humanity and God coupled with a profound realisation of the 'ontological gap' between us and the Creator. He says, in effect, that 'as a stone cast into the sea, so we are surrounded by the infinity of the love of God'. We have, here, a concise and beautiful and engaging presentation of the riches of the Orthodox Faith and how to live it. The most readily accessible English translation is that of Saint Symeon Metaphrastis' Paraphrase in volume III of the Philokalia (ed. Palmer Sherrard and Ware, London 1994). The Paraphrase removes the repetitions of the original collections within the corpus and presents a neat and readable version. There is also an excellent but partial translation into French in Sources Chrétiennes no 275 (where unhappily the author is referred to as 'Pseudo-Macarius', a description which it is better to avoid). We are deeply grateful to Dr Marcus Plested for giving this Study Day. Sadly not many members of our Fellowship were able to come; the night before had been one of violent storms, fallen trees were blocking roads and railways could not function. But even if the wild forces of nature prevented travel, the Homilies are wonderful reading for the quiet of the evening. They are a greatly refreshing feast for the soul. Seraphim Alton Honeywell 1 Philokalia vol. III, ed. Palmer Sherrard and Ware, page 338 (para 121) ******* OUR CONTRIBUTORS Seraphim ALTON HONEYWELL is a solicitor by profession, working at Towcester in Northamptonshire. He is married with a son at University, and is parish warden of the Russian Parish of the Annunciation, Oxford. Jim FOREST is Secretary of the Orthodox Peace Fellowship, and a writer and journalist. He is a member of the Orthodox parish in Amsterdam. Nicholas HIGGS is a graduate of London University, and a prematurely retired teacher who is now a full-time homemaker with a daughter of school age. He describes himself as 'always too busy by half'. He worships in London and Oxford. Ian THOMPSON is a Reader in the Nottingham parish of St Aidan and St Chad (Diocese of Sourozh) and a tutor with the Workers' Educational Association. He has made several visits to Coptic monasteries in Lower Egypt and the Red Sea Desert.
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